immigrants – The Establishment https://theestablishment.co Mon, 22 Apr 2019 20:17:33 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.1.1 https://theestablishment.co/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/cropped-EST_stamp_socialmedia_600x600-32x32.jpg immigrants – The Establishment https://theestablishment.co 32 32 Opioid Addiction Looks Much Different In Arab America https://theestablishment.co/opioid-addiction-looks-much-different-in-arab-america/ Tue, 31 Jul 2018 08:30:07 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=1368 Read more]]> Arab American communities face the tribulations of war at home compounded with the problem of addiction.

By Anonymous

In the early morning hours of August 17, 2017, Michigan State police busted into a quaint, corner walk-in pharmacy on the corner of Warren and Yinger in Dearborn, Michigan, a suburb south-west of Detroit, interrupting the daily deluge of transactions regularly accruing round-the-clock lines out the door at the infamous local “pill mill.”

Dr. Mohammad Derani was arraigned and had his medical licence suspended from the Department of Regulatory Affairs. Derani, who had written over 500,000 prescriptions since January 2017, averaging 43 every work day between 2015 and 2017, ranked among the most prolific distributors of controlled substances in 2015 and 2016, according to sources.

The national epidemic abuse of opioids, which include heroin or prescription pills, is often considered a white rural or suburban issue. Though Arabs and Muslims have not be spared from the epidemic, their ability to surmount the challenges of diaspora and tackle a nationwide drug epidemic shows a success, rather than deficiency, at the intersections of culture and community.

Like millions of Americans, Dearborn’s residents battle a nationwide drug epidemic that claims the lives of an estimated 100 Americans a day. In the city, drug-related arrests have jumped from 500 in 2011 to 1,000 in 2016. Opioid deaths more than doubled across the country as drugs of choice among users transitioned from prescription opioids to hard street drugs like fentanyl and heroin — a transition that coincided with the skyrocketing price of drugs following a period of overprescription.

Dr. Derani was one high profile case, but many doctors have been involved in fraud, overprescription, or other opioid scams. In June 2017, six southeast Michigan doctors were found guilty of pocketing illegal kickbacks amounting to $132 million in a nationwide insurance fraud scheme.

“Easily 8 out of 10 of our calls and cases were due to overdoses,” Ed, a 22 year-old emergency medical technician and second generation Arab-American, estimates. “Heroin, opioid, drug overdoses are an overwhelming problem, regardless of age, background, or nationality.”

Arab American communities face the tribulations of war at home compounded with the complications of adjusting to what is regarded within the community as a uniquely American problem of addiction. Both professionals and community members note the relative silence their issues are met with in mainstream America, and how that silence is internalized by Arab Americans, discouraging them further from seeking help.

Numerous community professionals and leaders, for years, noted the stigma surrounding mental health and substance abuse in the Arab American community. Silence and denial hamper any discussion around addiction. At funerals for the victims of a disease that claimed no one demographic, at times, deaths became reported by family and community members as heart attacks or as other natural causes. No one wanted to admit the actual cause.


At funerals for the victims of a disease that claimed no one demographic, at times, deaths became reported by family and community members as heart attacks or as other natural causes.
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“People wanted to say these youth had heart attacks, at 18, 19 years old,” said Mona Hijazi, public health lead at ACCESS. “Back in 2016 [when we started these programs] we couldn’t find anyone to talk to regarding these experiences.” Now, the program ACCESS pioneered, the ACCESS Substance Abuse Program (ASAP), boasts frequent community conversations, addiction counseling coaches, and informational resources that have been translated into Arabic.

Hijazi, also ASAP coordinator, is no stranger to the effects of addiction. Having grown up alongside a family member who spent two decades battling prescription drug abuse and addiction, she understands the challenges that many of her clients face. But she also draws upon her experiences in her role as part of the community coalition. “I never talked about [addiction] until I started my work because I felt that I was holding back from people that I was talking to. I actually had to go and talk to my mom and asked her if she would be okay if I said something — and not say who or even go into details — and she said, if you save one mom a heartache, why not.”

Since 2016, Hijazi recognizes that there had been tremendous change. ACCESS and the ICA began to partner up on ASAP, holding frequent talks and informational sessions and seeking community based help. The community outreach has been effective in raising awareness and breaking stigma. “The good thing about this partnership [with the mosque] is the Imam talks about how he can’t save somebody’s child with religion; that this is a medical issue and addiction should be treated as a disease.”

Dr. Hoda Amine is a Dearborn-based psychotherapist and social worker treating those suffering from addiction in the city’s east neighborhood. She pinpoints self-esteem issues as the factors predisposing her patients towards addiction. These factors, she identifies, are the result of the liminal status second generation Arab Americans find themselves in as “not quite” one or the other. “They don’t know how to be Arab and don’t know how to be American,” she says. “There’s a lot of pressure from the family and the society. They want to fit in — but they also want to disassociate.”

The opioid epidemic saw its transition from its prescription drug phase in the 1990s to a heroin and street drug crisis as the influence from the legacy of over-prescription manifested itself in the production and proliferation of street drugs. As drugs became more expensive, many that had become addicted to pain medication, finding their supply running out, turned to street drugs or more potent — and more dangerous — opiates.

While the grassroots efforts in the Arab American community have helped discussion and dialogue proliferate, institutions such as mosques and even law enforcement are also highly involved in community education and emergency treatment around addiction.

Local police nationwide are known for their participation in some of the most invasive, anti-black and Islamophobic policies and practices, including military and intelligence trainings with Israel, widespread surveillance of Muslim and Arab communities, and impunity for police murders of black people. Dearborn PD is the only police department in the state accepting Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) funds, supported by a highly controversial DHS grant issued to sponsor surveillance of mainly Muslim American communities, resulting in more names on the watch list than any city in the U.S. behind New York. However, they are also lauded for their perceived contribution in local addiction recovery efforts. Police partner with groups like the Dearborn-based SAFE substance abuse coalition group, mosques, and local schools to promote substance abuse awareness, and to provide resources such as naloxone, an anti-opioid agent.

This also highlights a complicated relationship between local law enforcement and minority communities, especially considering the deeply embedded role law enforcement has in opioid recovery. Yet despite the police’s public image as the front line in the war on opioids, it is women and progressive youth that have, as those most acutely impacted, made true efforts in changing the culture and breaking the stigma.

Safaa is one example of many who suffered in silence due to the stigma of coming out with an addiction. Like many others, her use started with doctor’s prescriptions, worsening once her tolerance level matched her prescribed supply. In recovery, Safaa realized that there was a need for a confidential support group for women in her community facing addiction. “It’s embarrassing for women to talk about these issues [around men] because there’s a stigma, there’s shame,” she says.

Thankfully, according to studies, women are more likely to seek treatment — however, counselors who work with Arab and Muslim American clients note that these women will seek care only outside of the community gaze.


It’s embarrassing for women to talk about these issues (around men) because there’s a stigma, there’s shame.
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Assembling the first Arab women’s addiction recovery support group, Safaa opened up a space where local women not only have access to confidentiality and support, but where, two years in, informational resources translated into Arabic have been made accessible, and honest dialogue on the issue in private spaces is facilitated. “[We are] the first Arab women’s (addiction’s anonymous) coalition,” she adds. “We do outreach, get together, talk about [drug] abuse.”

Zeinab, a freelancer who wrote for a local paper during the summer of 2016, recalls the response local outlets faced to publishing news on the sudden deaths of young community members, mostly young men, that had overdosed. These platforms received backlash that at times amounted to threats.

However, Zeinab says things are changing. “Yes, there was a backlash after the reported deaths in 2016, but I think our generation kind of shushed the angry voices,” she says. “They paved a way for discussion through organizations like SAFE and even youth programs at religious and academic institutions.” She credits new mediums and voices, as well as existing grassroots spaces, for helping move the conversation forward.

As these initiatives show, Arabs and Muslims have leveraged social and cultural dynamics to help combat a nationwide epidemic. It is because of — rather than in spite of — cultural tenants in religion, community, and service that they have been so effective at finding and creating solutions for recovery.

And for many of them, the very women, who, while less likely to die of painkiller abuse, are still more at risk, their bearance of the greater share of emotional and social burden in the home and in the community also render them the leaders in this effort.

“As women, we take on so much and we don’t say anything…we approach that especially when it came to substance abuse,” adds Hijazi. “Yet it’s possible to get through this [together], that you’re not alone as a mom, as a sister, as a friend.”

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Meet The Asylum Seekers Fighting For Working Rights In Ireland  https://theestablishment.co/meet-the-asylum-seekers-fighting-for-working-rights-in-ireland/ Fri, 13 Jul 2018 10:00:53 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=899 Read more]]>

‘I found myself in a rural Mayo centre with everything I possessed, gone. I was so full of rage. I was in such a dark place.’

Direct provision was first established in 2000 in Ireland as an “interim” system whereby non EU asylum seekers were granted accommodation for six months while awaiting an outcome on their International Protection application. According to the Irish Department of Justice, it was established to prevent “the serious prospect of widespread homelessness.”

The process of direct provision has continually sprawled and expanded over the past two decades and now encompasses over 40 different centers managed by private contractors. Of the 5,096 asylum seekers here in 2018, some have waited in cruel limbo—in a Catch-22 better likened to sanctioned internment—for up to 10 years.

High percentages of recent arrivals have come from the likes of Syria, Pakistan and Albania, and include unaccompanied children and those fleeing life-threatening situations such as wars, political violence and persecution due to religion and gender.


Asylum seekers have likened their living conditions to 19th century human zoos.
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These individuals now remain in cramped communes across the island, living permanently in unsanitary hostels, mobile homes, and overcrowded B&Bs. An allowance of only €21.60 (about 25 U.S. dollars) is granted to them each week and almost insurmountable restrictions are placed upon their working rights.

Until recently, asylum seekers’ right to work in Ireland was completely denied. However, in May of last year, Ireland’s Supreme Court ruled this ban as unconstitutional. Ireland was one of only two EU countries that still enforced a total ban like this, yet the government‘s attempts to counter this crushing discrimination have been largely insubstantial.

In February 2018, Ireland ostensibly improved the policy with the Employment Permits Act, which on paper meant asylum seekers could now be employed, but in reality simply created complicated and restrictive criteria that was a far cry from a just solution.

Qualifications and degrees obtained by asylum seekers’ in their home countries still were not be recognized, and they could not enroll in Irish universities. But despite these limitations, they were required to find a yearly salary of over 30,000 euro; employers had to give first preference to EU natives and pay 1,000 euro themselves for an asylum seeker’s work permit. Certain sectors—many of which would be the “easiest” to pursue, including social work, hospitality, and construction—continued to be totally off limits. 

Unsurprisingly, no application for a work permit was approved under these regulations. In response, a representative group named MASI (Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland) launched a “Right to Work” campaign, calling for a right to work without restriction or discrimination.

A launch was held at Dublin’s Liberty Hall on Thursday June 14, ahead of the Irish government’s meeting with the EU directive later that month. Hundreds of supporters turned up as speakers likened their living conditions to 19th century human zoos. They explained the difficulties of living without money, privacy or independence, and called for more Irish support.

Their efforts proved successful. On June 27 it was announced that laws were to be relaxed, thus granting up to 3,000 asylum seekers the right to work. This portion includes only those who have been in the State for nine months or more, and who have not had a first decision made on their refugee status.

America’s Long History Of Immigrants Bashing Immigrants
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Changes were met with mixed reactions by campaigners, who criticized the restrictions that remain. Certain types of employment will still be off limits, such as jobs in the civil and public service, An Garda Síochána (the police force), the Irish army, and more. The IRC (Irish Refugee Council) has insisted that any resulting changes to social welfare benefits for asylum seekers must be carefully monitored as well.

Asylum seekers still cannot obtain drivers’ licenses or open bank accounts. Last week one center even banned its residents from using their mobile phones at night. Clearly, despite progress being made, profound obstacles still prevent asylum seekers from establishing a live-able life in Ireland. The Right to Work Campaign will continuing fighting against the oppressive system, with hopes of permanently dismantling Direct Provision.

Here are some of those who are calling for further action.

Bulelani Cornelius Mfaco

“My name is Bulelani Cornelius Mfaco and I came to Ireland from South Africa in 2017. Back in South Africa I had to plan my every journey to avoid harassment. Gay people have to stay familiar with their surroundings and know who they’re talking to. I lived there in a slum called Khayelitsha, which wasn’t even safe for straight people, so being gay meant I had a target on my back!

Since becoming a democracy in 1994, South Africa has seen a huge increase in violence against minorities—particularly LGBT people. We are being stoned to death, or chased out of our homes and hacked with machetes. Neighbors are turning against their neighbors, and people are burnt alive while their children watch.

As a result, thousands have been displaced. Just like me, they read the headlines and realized they could be next. A few incidents in particular swayed my decision to leave.

One time eight years ago I went to a shopping centre to watch the World Cup on a big screen. A security guard approached me and wanted to know what was in my bag. I asked to speak to his manager, but that’s when things got ugly! I was brought to a staff room where a group harassed me. They started making remarks and hurling homophobic slurs at me while holding me against my will.

I spent the next five years trying to get representation in my legal case against them. During that time a lot of gay people in my community were murdered. Someone was attacked on my college campus, a lesbian was stabbed to death and stoned, and another was abducted and murdered.

A solicitor from the Irish Refugee Council helped me apply for International Protection. I left my PhD in public administration behind and moved to a direct provision centre in County Clare.

I didn’t get to choose my roommate and found out quite quickly that mine was really homophobic. It became awkward to sleep in the same room as him, as he was always telling me how boys were supposed to be with girls. I was forced to defend my entire existence.

I sent a complaint to the International Protection Office in February about people in the centre using homophobic slurs. They replied with an acknowledgement letter but have yet to do anything. Most of my interactions with the others are now are limited to ‘hi’ and ‘bye’.

My meals are decided for me by government contractors. I’ve nothing to do during the day except take a bus to our nearest town to spend my 21.60 euro on toiletry essentials.

As asylum seekers, we are unable to shape the course of our own lives—we’re completely in limbo! Unrestricted working rights would allow us to look after ourselves, provide for our own needs and get back our dignity. It would restore what has been stripped away while we’ve been warehoused.

Irish people can help by contacting public representatives. Tweet TDs (members of Irish parliament) and the Taoiseach himself—I’ve been doing this on a regular basis.”

Ellie Kisyombe

“My name is Ellie Kisyombe and I’m from Malawi. I came here almost 9 years ago to seek protection from problems at home that put my life at risk. The case is still ongoing so I can’t go into much detail, but it involved my parents and uncle’s lives being taken in tragic circumstances.

Back home, I had graduated from a politics course and was working in EU Law while helping to run a family business. I knew Ireland was not ideal, but it was safe. The journey here was traumatizing—I was in such a dark place. Upon first arrival I didn’t have anyone with me and had to battle the system to bring over my children.

I found myself in a rural Mayo centre with everything I possessed, gone. I was so full of rage, and suffering from depression. Luckily I managed to divert my pain into something that could help others—I began campaigning and finding my voice.

First thing I did was go to a convent and ask the sisters to come teach English at the centre. They would pay us visits and help us grow vegetables in the garden. News of our shared garden started spreading, and soon I was moved to another centre.

This happened a few times over the years—I moved around a lot. People knew me when I arrived, they would say “oh it’s the woman who likes fighting.” As a result I was asked to become a volunteer representative for the Irish Refugee Council.

We started creating gardens in centres to bring communities together. We wanted to cook with asylum seekers too, but struggled from a lack of funding. As fate would happen, a Dublin business woman approached my boss at the IRC in 2015 and said she wanted to help out, this was how my company OurTable all began.

At our first meeting we asked “why don’t we do something big”? We planned a pop up shop at Dublin’s Christ Church Cathedral and it was a massive success. We fed over 750 people in one day!


People knew me when I arrived. They would say, ‘oh it’s the woman who likes fighting.'
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We followed that up with a pop up cafe in Temple Bar for three months in 2016. Afterwards I was invited by Irish celebrity chef Darina Allen to train at her cookery school at Ballymaloe. I look back on my time there as rebirth, it really brought me back.

Every night in my dreams I started thinking “I can do this,” as asylum seekers across the country signed up to volunteer with us. I have yet to be paid a single cent—all the money goes straight back into the bank. That’s enough for me just to go out, make money for the company, and pay wages to my staff.

We’ve launched side projects including hummus in aid of Repeal the 8th and our own brand of hot sauce. Nowadays we have 12 people on the payroll and 25 volunteers. It just goes to show how much asylum seekers have to contribute toward Irish society and how much we want to work.

Forcing us into dependency has led to mental and physical health issues. A lot of people are dormant in the system, and will need therapy once they get protection!

I am praying that I receive mine soon. I love Ireland, and I’ve been here for a very long time. Government policies aside, the Irish are really good people, some of the most genuine and genius people in the world!”


Interviewee asked to remain anonymous

“I came alone to Ireland in 2015 following a violent attack in Malawi. It was related to political unrest and an assumption I was involved in matters which I wasn’t.

You can see the scars that cover my body from that day; it’s really by the grace of God that I survived at all. A group of men had broken into my house and ended up leaving me for dead. I was unconscious in an intensive care unit for the 3 or 4 days that followed.

I vividly remember the first conversations I had after waking up in hospital. They were with a doctor from Saint Andrews Medical School in Scotland. He said that in his 14 years of experience he’d never come across anyone that lost the same amount of blood as me and survived to tell the tale. Retelling the story makes me relive that day, and the trauma still effects me.

I knew that my attackers would come to finish me off if they knew I was alive, so I had to flee the country as fast as possible. To be honest the way I got here had nothing to do with asylum seeking. Right then the only thought in my mind was to get as far away as possible. Upon arrival in Ireland, I was sent to the international protection office.

My extended family back home had relied upon my IT job at University of Malawi. My mother, brothers, sisters, nieces and nephews all required my financial assistance. Obviously I can no longer help with the 21.60 I make each week here.

I was first sent to the Mosney centre in County Meath. This is the best of all the Direct Provision centres, but I didn’t last there for long. During the Winter of 2015 I suffered from ill health and complained to authorities about how families get preferential treatment over others and said it wasn’t fair.

I was moved to a centre known as “Guantanamo.” It’s in Limerick and gets its nickname because it’s used as a punishment for ‘trouble makers’. Life there is worse than the Irish prison system! You can’t even choose what time you wake at or what to eat. The attitude of the staff is the most painful part; you mean nothing to them. You’re spoken to in a demeaning manner and get punished if you react.

Amnesty International have offices in Ireland and throughout my 3 years here I’ve never heard them condemn the system. It breaks you down; you’re not the same person, confinement creates continuous stress and causes you to disintegrate. How can Irish people possibly expect people in these conditions to act normal, or for our children to perform in school?

People are granted protection completely at random. I know two men who came from the same country with the same story yet only one got his papers. There’s no criteria being used, the only thing they consider is the financial aspect.

The interim measures brought in by the government were completely disingenuous; the government are not trying to help us. Momentum has been building for the right to work campaign since 2015 but now we must ask the people of Ireland for their help.

 Force your political leaders into action. Force your parliamentarians to change their policies!”

Donnah Vuma

“My name is Donnah Vuma, I’m originally from Zimbabwe and was 15 years old when I moved to South Africa. At that time I was fleeing persecution from my country, but the ghosts of my past soon caught up and caused me to seek International Protection.

The youngest of my three children was only four years old when we set out for Ireland. Leaving the country meant quitting my job as a sales and marketing manager. Ideally I’d like to continue in that profession here, but unfortunately my qualifications would not be recognized. Even after my protection is granted, to continue would mean starting from scratch.

During my time in Direct Provision thus far, I’ve availed of some scholarship schemes including an undergraduate programme in University of Limerick. My classes have provided a welcome break from the monotony of life in the centre. However other problems cannot be escaped so easily, such as the quality of food we’re given. It’s absolutely terrible, so bad that my children and I have suffered with health problems. I’m anaemic and my dietary requirements are certainly not being met.

There are about 400 people in the centre, 90% of whom are single men. It’s very rare for friendships to develop between anyone here. Cultural barriers are partially to blame, but mental health plays a big part too. People have been there for so long and don’t want to share their space any longer. It creates a tense atmosphere and causes people to keep to themselves.

The friends that I’ve made in Ireland mostly live outside the centre; I’ve met them through community involvement and voluntary work. However, my children and other kids at the centre mostly keep to themselves due to the stigma that comes from living in Direct Provision.

Costs involved in sending them to school have been crazy for us—almost impossible to meet. That is why I set up a community group in 2016 called “Every Child is Your Child.” The aim of the initiative was to create a back to school fund for children living in Direct Provision. It has been a huge success and we’ve been able to buy uniforms for 57 kids.

Over the past two years I’ve awaited the outcome of my high court appeal. All necessary documentation from my country of origin was provided, so there’s no clear reason as to why it was denied at first. Throughout the process you’re never given a clear indication of where your application is and the threat of deportation is always present. People often get taken at 3 or 4 a.m. from their rooms and sent home.

Threats of deportation are used to silence those involved in activism. That’s why we want people to endorse our campaign. Your influencers, your celebrities, we want them to come out in support of us. We’ve got to get the message across to people, the government can do better. Irish people need to start putting pressure on politicians and Irish employers need to start creating opportunities.

Getting unrestricted rights to work will be key to ending the Direct Provision system. Because my first application for protection was denied I still can’t apply for jobs. I need to gain power and control back over my life and feel human again. It’s the little things I look forward to most, like being able to come home to my kids and say “oh you need five euro for school tomorrow? There it is.”

All photography by Luke Faulkner

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Dear SCOTUS, What Horrors Have These Children Fled? https://theestablishment.co/dear-scotus-what-horrors-have-these-children-fled-2da162cdc665/ Thu, 28 Jun 2018 00:07:53 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=733 Read more]]> By Amy Camber

The Est. collected open letters on Sessions, the recently upheld Muslim Ban, familial separation and the current administration’s response to asylum seekers and immigrants — good grief our collective heart! — to publish on a dedicated landing page as a kind of evolving pastiche of opinions and concerns, anger and empathy. Resistance is vital.

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Dear All The Mothers, But Not Mine https://theestablishment.co/dear-all-the-mothers-but-not-mine-4dfa4ee43a49/ Fri, 22 Jun 2018 19:40:41 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=761 Read more]]> By Lashelle Johnson

The Est. collected open letters on Sessions, familial separation and the current administration’s response to asylum seekers and immigrants — good grief our collective heart! — to publish on a dedicated landing page as a kind of evolving pastiche of opinions and concerns, anger and empathy. Resistance is vital.

Dear Mothers,

Not mine.

My mother was allowed in the country without questions — an infant in her arms. My mother was given a green card and told to go forth and prosper in the American Dream. She knew only elementary English.

My mother got a job quickly. She stayed with the same company for decades and rose through the ranks. Bootstraps. My mother had a salary; not extravagant, but enough to take care of me.

My mother became a citizen 17 years after she stepped onto American soil — never once afraid of deportation in the interim. My mother was naturalized and no one was excited but us. A quiet assumption: She was American. Like them.

A “good” immigrant with auburn hair and seafoam eyes. A model immigrant for posters hanging in U.S. Customs and Border Protection offices.

My mother is white.

I am brown.

Brown like the mothers who are seized at U.S. borders. Mothers who cannot move so freely through the world for fear of having their children ripped from their arms as they await trial for crimes they did not commit. Brown like the mothers seeking asylum. Mothers who want the same safety for their children my mother provided me. The same chance afforded to my mother as she arrived in a new country. I am brown like the mothers in holding cells, wondering if their children will survive in internment camps.

My mother’s whiteness afforded me the safety to grow up in her arms, not a cage. My mother’s whiteness afforded me protection from a system that criminalizes mothers who look like me. I am often plagued by the idea that if I were my mother, trying to do what is best for my child, my story would not be so kind.

So, Dear Mothers:

You deserve safety.
You deserve respect.
You deserve humanity.

You deserve to live a life like my immigrant mother.

Mothers, I love you.

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Dear Anyone Who Is Listening https://theestablishment.co/dear-anyone-who-is-listening/ Fri, 22 Jun 2018 00:29:49 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=746 Read more]]>

By July Westhale

The Est. collected open letters on Sessions, familial separation and the current administration’s response to asylum seekers and immigrants — good grief our collective heart! — to publish on a dedicated landing page as a kind of evolving pastiche of opinions and concerns, anger and empathy. Resistance is vital.

Dear you,

When I was 4, my mom drew me a bath.

Watch the water,” she said, “and come get me when it’s full.”

I’ve replayed this scene thousands of times — her piano fingers on the rusted faucet, the bathmat an inky-gray, like a fingerprinting. I remember the water filling, filling, the plastic toy boat rising victorious in the swells. I remember calling for her, and hearing only silence. I remember the water overflowing, soaking the mat, leaking down the hallway linoleum, past my sick and sleeping mother.

don’t remember the moment the water reached our neighbor’s apartment next door, but I do remember that when Child Protective Services was called, I put my body between them and my mom.

She was sleeping,” I said. “It’s my fault.”

I was taken to a children’s home and, screaming, dunked into a bathtub of ice water.

No one gave me information about what was happening. No one offered comfort. It seemed to me, even at the time, that those in charge thought that silence and isolation was a better solution than explanation and solace.

I live with CPTSD every day. It seeps into my relationships, my work, my writing, my mannerisms. I am who I am because of the way my childhood was cracked open. And I’m a white-presenting, able-bodied U.S. Citizen. I had the privilege of foster care (even though it was a harrowing experience), and a children’s home. I had caseworkers, and visits with my family (eventually). My story was ok-case-scenario. It was still the worst moment of my life.

I had it so so so much better than any of these children in the news.

I’m so proud of my community for standing up and staying compassionate and tender. Of the radical empathy you’re showing to each other and yourselves. I’m so proud of your hand-lettered signs and your fundraising and your yelling and your insistence on better behavior, a better world.

And your stories. I’m most proud of your stories.

For those of you scared to act, or feeling dissociated, or overwhelmed —

hear my story. Take it as a place that helps creates space for whatever you’re going through. That’s what narrative can do in times like these. Take it moment by moment. In this moment, you’re listening, and that’s massive.

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Hard Truths For The People I Love https://theestablishment.co/hard-truths-for-the-people-i-love-309d4b67df4f/ Wed, 20 Jun 2018 16:35:12 +0000 https://theestablishment.co/?p=757 Read more]]> By Alex Winter

The Est. collected open letters on Sessions, familial separation and the current administration’s response to asylum seekers and immigrants — good grief our collective heart! — to publish on a dedicated landing page as a kind of evolving pastiche of opinions and concerns, anger and empathy. Resistance is vital.

On the thread of a truly good friend of mine—who supports the policy of Trump and Sessions—I referred to the sadism of the immigration policy.

I was responding to someone, I think a mutual friend, who claimed that the policy was for the purpose of upholding the law. The mutual friend objected, saying I was emotional and name-calling. I posted the following response to her. It is a simple fact that people I love support these horrors. I want to speak to a larger audience about this. Almost all the people who agree with me have friends who are Trump supporters.

This horror needs to be explored, I think, because I believe breaking through to the people we love who are sleepwalking to fascism is our last best hope.

Every single one of us is descended from oppressors and the oppressed. The arguments justifying cruelty circulating now were going around in Europe during Hitler’s rise to power.

Sometimes the truth comes across as an insult. In part because enough nice people were too polite to be frank with their friends who supported the nazis, it ended up with my grandparents and many, many of my family being murdered in the Holocaust. Of course my family was just one of an ocean of families comprised of gypsies, jews, homosexuals, leftists, and decent people who objected to atrocities.

I am thinking, friend of my friend, that you are highly educated and have had every opportunity to understand that the people who come to our borders are in desperate situations, and that our country is largely responsible for creating those conditions.

The sadism and callousness exhibited by a large minority of our citizens must be named. I feel solidarity with those persons whose torture you approve. Patriotism — especially in this country — requires that your feelings of solidarity with other humans be greater than your allegiance to your government, when your government turns to torture.


Sometimes the truth comes across as an insult.
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Because money plays such a big role in our elections, the significant minority of Trump supporters may continue to gain power. Clearly Trump and Sessions have no more compassion than Hitler. They have both shown it for years. This isn’t name calling, this is truth. (Name calling is that stupid stuff that Kathy Griffin and Samantha Bee do.)

We are coming to a crisis. Either good people who have been sleepwalking toward fascism will come to their senses, or all our liberties and our national decency will be gone. Then it will end very badly for all of us, you and me and all of us. But until our tenuous democracy is snuffed out, you will be hearing the truth from all sides, from the too-small majority who knows sadism when they see it.

The conditions that we have had a large hand in creating in Central America are so terrible that humans will follow the biological imperative — let’s call it God’s law — and try to save their children. The Sessions policy will not be effective in significantly deterring immigration. It will be effective in making us poorer, in many ways. Resources are being diverted from serious crime because of this policy that can’t work.

You will be confronted with this truth every day, and you won’t like it. We are connected by our mutual friend, whom I love, and who thinks I am a murderer because I don’t believe abortion is murder. Yet my family and her family have a strong affinity for each other. It does not stop me from loving her, and I don’t think it stops her from loving me. As far as I can tell, she and you have the same opinions on the immigration issues. Perhaps my family would love your family as we do her.


Until our tenuous democracy is snuffed out, you will hear the truth from the too-small majority who knows sadism when they see it.
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But that doesn’t stop this from being true: Ripping babies from their mothers is perverse and evil. Read Memory of Fire, by Eduardo Galeano, Books 1, 2 and 3. This tells the history of all the Americas from the Europeans’ first landing, in vignettes of one, two or three pages. I think that if you actually read them your heart could not remain as hard. I am sorry to have to say that your heart is hard but it is an unfortunate truth that must be said, for our present, our future, and the people referenced earlier who suffered torture and death because people were too enamored of a false civility to say these things that must be said.

If you don’t want to hear this, you are going to have to restrict yourself to the company of those who agree with you, until such time as the fascist takeover is further advanced.

I myself deal with everybody, and am open to friendships with people who think I am a murderer for believing that women have a right to safe and legal abortion. I have to, because people I love are supporting evil, and that mystery is for me a central question in understanding the world.

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